La alimentación de los enfermos en los hospitales de la edad moderna, el caso de Vitoria (Álava, España) / A alimentação dos doentes nos hospitais na era moderna, o caso de Vitoria (Álava, Espanha) / Feeding the sick in hospitals in the modern age, the case of Vitoria (Álava, Spain)

El conocimiento sobre alimentación en los hospitales de laedad moderna en España está sustentado en documentaciónde muy pocos centros, mayoritariamente de grandes urbes,siendo necesarias nuevas aportaciones para ampliar la evidenciaexistente. A tal objeto se ha analizado la documentación delhospital Santiago de Vitoria, un hospital y una ciudad másrepresentativos de la mediana peninsular.Se ha hallado un inequívoco enfoque económico de ladocumentación sobre alimentos y la consignación de suadquisición solo recoge gastos extraordinarios, mayoritariamentealimentos destinados a la botica (80% de los asientos). Ladieta basal solo nos es conocida por su descripción teórica,anotándose su gasto por número de raciones o su fracción.Se evidencia una supervisión triple en su preparación yadministración, así como una cuidada prescripción médicade los alimentos en las dietas individualizadas.En conclusión, los gastos no evidencian el consumo efectivo nitampoco representan la dieta real, pues la inmensa mayoría delos alimentos consignados estuvieron destinados a la botica yno a la alimentación de los enfermos. Debe preguntarse si losestudios precedentes, que utilizan también datos de gastos,no han hecho una mala interpretación de estos extrapolandoerróneamente una dieta magnífica cuando, en el caso vitoriano,tuvo una composición de clases populares.

Knowledge of hospital food in modern-age hospitals in Spainis based on documentation from very few centers, mostlyin large cities, and new contributions are needed to expandthe existing evidence. To this end, the documentation of theSantiago de Vitoria hospital has been analysed, a hospital nd a city more representative of the peninsular median.An unequivocal economic focus has been found in thedocumentation on foodstuffs, and the record of their acquisitiononly includes extraordinary expenses, mainly foodstuffsdestined for the apothecary's shop (80% of the entries). Thebasal diet is only known to us by its theoretical description,and its expenditure is recorded by number of portions ortheir fraction. There is evidence of triple supervision in itspreparation and administration, as well as careful medicalprescription of the food in the individualised diets.In conclusion, the expenditures do not show the actualconsumption, nor do they represent the real diet, since thevast majority of the food items recorded were destined for thepharmacy and not for the feeding of the sick. It must be askedwhether previous studies, which also use expenditure data,have not misinterpreted these data by wrongly extrapolatinga magnificent diet when, in the case of Vitoria, it was madeup of the working classes.(AU)

O conhecimento da alimentação hospitalar nos hospitais daIdade Moderna em Espanha baseia-se na documentação deum número muito reduzido de centros, principalmente nasgrandes cidades, e são necessárias novas contribuições paraampliar a evidência existente. Para o efeito, analisámos adocumentação do hospital de Santiago de Vitoria, um hospitale uma cidade mais representativos da mediana peninsular.Na documentação relativa aos géneros alimentícios, encontramosum enfoque económico inequívoco, sendo que o registoda sua aquisição apenas inclui despesas extraordinárias,sobretudo géneros destinados à botica (80% das entradas).A dieta basal só nos é conhecida pela sua descrição teórica,e a sua despesa é registada pelo número de porções oupela sua fração. Há indícios de uma tripla vigilância na suapreparação e administração, bem como de uma cuidadosaprescrição médica dos alimentos nas dietas individualizadas.Em conclusão, as despesas não mostram o consumo real nemrepresentam a dieta real, uma vez que a grande maioria dosalimentos registados se destinava à farmácia e não à alimentaçãodos doentes. É de perguntar se estudos anteriores, que tambémutilizam dados de despesas, não terão interpretado mal estesdados, extrapolando erradamente uma dieta magnífica quando,no caso de Vitória, era constituída pelas classes populares.(AU)

ABANDONED CHILDREN IN SIBENIK FOUNDLING HOUSE AT THE END OF THE 19th CENTURY / Napustena djeca u sibenskom nahodistu krajem 19. stoljeca

The Sibenik Foundling House was an institution that cared for abandoned children before their adoption. The paper analysed the accommodation capacities of the foundling house from 1886 to 1900, using registers of baptisms and deaths from the provincial hospital in Sibenik as the basis for the analysis. An analysis of the received children was conducted based on how they arrived at the site and the level of knowledge about their origin or identity. From 1886 to 1900, the Sibenik Foundling House received three hundred and seventy-eight abandoned children with a yearly average of 25.2 children. Two hundred and forty-three children were brought to the hospital by their mothers as newborns, and their identities were recorded in the baptism registers, constituting 60.15% of the total number of residents in the Foundling House. One hundred and six received infants were foundlings­children without known identity­comprising 26.24% of the total number of baptisms in the hospital. Twenty-nine children were born in the hospital and left by unmarried mothers in the care of the Foundling House, making up 7.18% of all entries in the register of baptisms. The monthly distribution of received children shows a balanced distribution. The mortality rate of these children in the Foundling House was 32.80%. Children who did not have names and surnames were given to them by the priest who baptised them.

El final del Hospital Rawson y la diáspora finochiettista. A 45 años de estos hechos / The end of the Rawson Hospital and the finochiettista diaspora. 45 years after these events

La Asociación Médica Argentina (AMA) reconoce el valor de la Escuela Quirúrgica de los hermanos Finochietto y por tal motivo efectúa un homenaje anual desde el año 2002. En este artículo se hace una breve reseña histórica del Hospital Rawson, donde se inició y desarrolló dicha escuela. Se resaltan dos hechos: por un lado, el término "diáspora finochiettista", porque la dispersión de los cirujanos fue obligada y tuvieron que abandonar su lugar de procedencia original, el Hospital Rawson y, por el otro, que dicho nosocomio nació y murió como consecuencia de movimientos políticos cívico-militares. (AU)

The Argentine Medical Association (AMA) recognizes the value of the Surgical School of the Finochietto brothers, and for this reason has paid an annual tribute since 2002. Tthis article provides a brief historical review of the Rawson Hospital, where the school was initiated and developed. Two facts are highlighted: on the one hand, the term "Finochiettista diaspora" because the dispersal of the surgeons was forced and they had to leave their original place of origin, the Rawson Hospital; and on the other hand, the fact that this hospital was born and died as a consequence of civil-military political movements. (AU)

Exposed and Abandoned. Origins of the Foundling Hospital.

Abandoning undesired newborn infants was a Roman form of family limitation. They were exposed or given to foster mothers. Christianization alleviated their lot when in 374 CE, Emperor Valentinian's law provided some protection. The Milan Foundling Hospital was established in 787 CE. When the Carolingian Empire fell apart during the 10th century, monastic networks (the Holy Spirit Order and Daughters of Charity) took over social support for the poor, the sick, and the insane. Foundling hospitals proliferated in Italy between the 13th and 15th centuries, in France during the 16th and 17th, and in Germany and Austria in the 18th century. Metropolitan hospices admitted thousands of infants each year. Most were not "found" exposed but were admitted anonymously via a revolving box or registered in an open office. Soon after admission, they were transported for foster care to wet nurses in villages. Sick infants, especially those suspected of suffering from syphilis, were denied the breast, and artificial feeding was tried with little success. Official death statistics were falsified by relating infant deaths not to admissions but to the total number of children cared for. Over 60% died during their first year of life, mostly from pre-admission problems such as malformation, hypothermia, and disease; from poor hygiene in overcrowded wards; and from artificial feeding. Although not intended for that purpose, the hospices became medical research institutions when in late 18th century, physicians and surgeons were employed by maternity and foundling hospitals.

Una propuesta de interpretación de la cruz en la arquitectura doméstica como simbología de hospitalidad / Uma proposta de interpretação da cruz na arquitetura doméstica como símbolo de hospitalidade / A proposal for the interpretation of the cross in domestic architecture as a symbol of hospitality

El hallazgo sobre 32 hospitales históricos rurales en Álava (España) de 10 con una cruzesculpida en sus accesos sugiere un potencial significado de hospitalidad que no seevidencia en la bibliografía. A fin de determinar esta posible asociación, se realizó una búsqueda exhaustiva de cruces enaccesos de arquitectura doméstica de la provincia hallando 53 que cumplían los criterios deinclusión y exclusión. Distribuidas por toda la geografía provincial, 48 son de facturaprofesional y 5 son incisiones elaboradas. 36 son cruces únicas por localidad, cuestionando interpretaciones mágico-religiosas dominantes en la antropología y etnografía. Treinta y siete (69’8%)se encuentran en localidades que tuvieron hospital, si bien solo en 10 casos hay correspondenciacruz-hospital documentada y en 3 probablemente. El Camino a Santiago, fundamental en el desarrollo hospitalario, queda mejor representado desde el análisis de las cruces que desde los hospitales. Aunque no hay dos cruces iguales, 50 son latinas de calvario y al menos 14 presentan susbrazos remarcados (Trinidad), pudiéndose hacer lecturas bíblicas de estas características relacionándolas con la hospitalidad. Aunque queda establecida la asociación entre cruces y hospitalidad, diversas limitaciones en la búsqueda y el análisis no permiten ser concluyentes, requiriéndose de estudios comparados en otras regiones.(AU)

The finding on 32 rural historic hospitals in Álava (Spain) of 10 with a sculpted crosson their entrances suggests a potential meaning of hospitality that is not evident in the literature. In order to determine this possible association, an exhaustive search for crosses on the entrances of domestic architecture in the province was carried out, finding 53 that met the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Distributed throughout the province, 48 are professionally madeand 5 are elaborate incisions. 36 are unique crosses per locality, questioning dominant magicalreligious interpretations in anthropology and ethnography. Thirty-seven (69.8%) are found inlocalities that had a hospital, although in only 10 cases is there a documented cross-hospitalcorrespondence, and in 3 probably. The Road to Santiago, fundamental in the development ofhospitals, is better represented from the analysis of the crosses than from the hospitals. Although no two crosses are the same, 50 are Latin Calvary crosses and at least 14 have their armsmarked (Trinity), making it possible to make biblical readings of these characteristics relatingthem to hospitality. Although the association between crosses and hospitality is established,several limitations in the search and analysis do not allow us to be conclusive, requiring comparative studies in other regions.(AU)

A descoberta em 32 hospitais históricos rurais em Álava (Espanha) de 10 com uma cruzesculpida nas suas entradas sugere um significado potencial de hospitalidade que não é evidentena literatura. A fim de determinar esta possível associação, foi realizada uma busca exaustiva decruzes nas entradas da arquitectura doméstica na província, encontrando 53 que preenchiam oscritérios de inclusão e exclusão. Distribuídas por toda a província, 48 são feitas profissionalmentee 5 são incisões elaboradas. 36 são cruzes únicas por localidade, questionando as interpretaçõesmágico-religiosas dominantes em antropologia e etnografia. Trinta e sete (69,8%) encontramseem localidades que tiveram um hospital, embora em apenas 10 casos exista uma correspondênciainterhospitalar documentada, e em 3 provavelmente. O Caminho de Santiago, fundamental nodesenvolvimento dos hospitais, é melhor representado a partir da análise das cruzes do que apartir dos hospitais. Embora não haja duas cruzes iguais, 50 são cruzes do Calvário Latino e pelomenos 14 têm os braços marcados (Trindade), o que permite fazer leituras bíblicas destas características relacionandoas com a hospitalidade. Embora a associação entre cruzes e hospitalidadeseja estabelecida, várias limitações na pesquisa e análise não nos permitem ser conclusivos, exigindo estudos comparativos noutras regiões.(AU)

El hospital y el enfoque de derechos / The hospital and rights approach

La pandemia por SARS-CoV-2 puso de forma abrupta al sistema de salud en la agenda pública. Evidenciando sus problemas y requiriendo acciones de emergencia para poder dar cuenta del desafío de responder social y sanitariamente a esta crisis. La respuesta hospitalaria fue el eje y centro de atención de la pandemia, casi con exclusividad. Relegando las otras posibilidades o dispositivos asistenciales, como el primer nivel de atención y la salud comunitaria. Por lo tanto, nos proponemos reflexionar sobre esta organización sanitaria, tan arraigada en el modelo médico social y el marco del enfoque de derechos. Definiremos el hospital, describiremos sus antecedentes, sus características y propondremos como repensarlo críticamente para aportar a su crecimiento en el marco del enfoque de derechos. La salud como derecho es el marco legal, político y teórico que proponemos para abordar esta reflexión y al hospital, tanto como singularidad histórica como pluralidad o multiplicidad de organizaciones en función de cada contexto donde se desarrolla, como una organización social y sanitaria que formar parte de un conjunto de organizaciones y políticas destinadas a garantizar ese derecho (AU)

The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic abruptly put the health system on the public agenda. Evidencing their problems and requiring emergency actions to be able to account for the challenge of responding socially and healthily to this crisis. The hospital response was the axis and center of attention of the pandemic, almost exclusively. Relegating the other possibilities or assistance devices, such as the first level of care and community health. Therefore, we intend to reflect on this health organization, so rooted in the social medical model and the framework of the rights approach. We will define the hospital, describe its background, its characteristics and propose how to rethink it critically to contribute to its growth within the framework of the rights approach. Health as a right is the legal, political and theoretical framework that we propose to address this reflection and the hospital, both as a historical singularity and as a plurality or multiplicity of organizations depending on each context where it is developed, as a social and health organization that is part of a set of organizations and policies aimed at guaranteeing that right (AU)

Pantokrator Monastery-Zeyrek Mosque: The Preserved Byzantine Hospital in Istanbul.

BACKGROUND: Istanbul, home to numerous historical treasures, houses one of the oldest fully constructed hospitals. METHODS: This 50-bed hospital was built in the early 12th century during the Byzantine period by Empress Irene of Hungary and her husband Emperor John II Komnenos inside one of the largest monasteries of its time. The monastery housed one of the first hospitals and schools of medicine and included a nursing home, ophthalmologic health center, library, and cemetery. After the Empress died, her husband continued to enlarge the complex to its current state. Soon after the fall of Constantinople in 1453, the complex was renamed after Zeyrek Mehmet, who was ordered by Fatih Sultan Mehmet (Mehmet II or Mehmed the Conqueror) to convert the monastery into a mosque, constructing a Fatih Medrese for a short period of time. The hospital, however, remained untouched, and its rooms were used for Koran lessons. The building was fully restored from 2009 to 2017 and is still used as a mosque today. We would like to introduce the Pantokrator Monastery, maybe the only remaining hospital of the Byzantine era. CONCLUSION: Although it was built in the 12th century, the monastery is still a modern facility meeting current standards.

Montemor-o-Novo, el terreiro del menino João Cidade / Montemor-o-Novo, the terreiro of the menino João Cidade

El ponente introduce la época en que Juan de Dios vivió en el Alentejo, uno de los periodos de transición más significativos de la historia de la humanidad, cuando se produce el paso de la Edad Media a la modernidad, un momento de reforma y renacimiento de los ideales clásicos. Seguidamente, describe el contexto religioso-sanitario y social de la época y las incertidumbres sobre el origen de Juan de Dios y su salida de la casa de sus padres a la edad de 8 años. Finalmente muestra cómo Juan de Dios sigue en la memoria y aún está presente en el Portugal del siglo XXI (AU)

La Oropesa que apacentó la personalidad de un renovador / Oropesa, the city that shepherded the personality of a renovator

Juan Ciudad, futuro San Juan de Dios, llegó niño a la villa de Oropesa, en la provincia de Toledo, para ser criado por una familia dedicada a la ganadería, ejerciendo por ello como pastor. Cuando se hizo mayor se alistó como soldado en las compañías del Conde de Oropesa que desplazó a Fuenterrabía y a Viena en apoyo al emperador Carlos. Tras un periplo de aventuras y andanzas volvería a su ciudad de la infancia para mostrarse como enfermero al servicio de los más necesitados de la villa y su comarca. Las épocas que Juan de Dios residió en Oropesa cobran especial importancia en su biografía, en tanto nos muestran la evolución que se fue operando en su personalidad y que en parte explican la dedicación a su obra de reforma hospitalaria. Con este trabajo se pretende revisar la presencia histórica de Juan de Dios en la ciudad toledana de Oropesa como lugar de residencia de su juventud y la influencia que esta tuvo en la configuración de su personalidad (AU)

Juan Ciudad, the future Saint John of God, arrived as a child in the town of Oropesa, in the province of Toledo, to be raised by a family dedicated to livestock, thus working as a shepherd. When he grew older, he enlisted as a soldier in the companies of the Count of Gold-pesa who went to Hondarribia and Vienna in support of Emperor Charles. After a journey of adventures and wanderings, he would return to his childhood city to show himself as a nurse at the service of the most needy in the town and his region. The times that Juan de Dios resided in Oropesa take on special importance in his biography, as they show us the evolution that took place in his personality and that partly explain his dedication to his hospital reform work. This work aims to review the historical presence of Juan de Dios in the Toledo city of Oropesa as the place of residence of his youth and the influence it had on the configuration of his personality (AU)

Granada será tu cruz y escenario de tu reforma hospitalaria / Granada will be your cross and scene of your hospital reform

La ciudad de Granada está impregnada de la figura y obra de San Juan de Dios, pues fue donde llevó a cabo su renovada obra hospitalaria, donde pasó la última etapa de su vida, donde afrontó las mayores dificultades, pero también donde alcanzó el más alto reconocimiento. Hoy existe un itinerario juandediano en la ciudad que recorre el centro histórico para descubrir los múltiples emplazamientos donde su figura dejó huella y que la tradición ha llevado hasta nosotros. Por todo ello, según el director de la Casa de los Pisa, que fue donde el santo falleció, Granada es un lugar con un fuerte componente didáctico para conocer lo que este personaje aportó a la enfermería y a las profesiones relacionadas con la salud (AU)

Paisajes y paisanajes del enfermero Juan de Dios. Los itinerarios geográficos que forjaron la personalidad de un reformador hospitalario / Landscapes and country people of the nurse Juan de Dios. The geographical itineraries that forged the personality of a hospital reformer

De nacimiento portugués, pastor en Oropesa, soldado en Fuenterrabía y en otros frentes, albañil en Ceuta, aprendiz hospitalario en Guadalupe, librero en Granada… Cuántos derroteros tuvo que atravesar este hombre para fundar un hospital. Y no un hospital cualquiera, porque el de Granada se erigió en el epicentro de una reforma de la enfermería cuyos fundamentos explican en parte por qué las enfermeras de nuestro tiempo somos como somos. Juan de Dios no era un teórico, su personalidad arrolladora se expresaba a través de sus gestos. Por ello resulta tan atrayente rastrear los lugares por los que transitó, porque aún están señalados con los reflejos de su edificante presencia. Bienvenidos a este itinerario turístico e histórico por los confines del imperio. Caminamos tras la huella de un enfermero universal y uno de los personales más andariegos del siglo de oro (AU)

Of Portuguese birth, a shepherd in Oropesa, a soldier in Fuenterrabía and on other fronts, a bricklayer in Ceuta, a hospital apprentice in Guadalupe, a bookseller in Granada… How many paths this man had to go through to found a hospital. And not just any hospital, because the one in Granada was erected at the epicentre of a nursing reform whose foundations explain in part why the nurses of our time are the way we are. Juan de Dios was not a theoretician, his overwhelming personality was expressed through his gestures. That is why it is so attractive to trace the places through which he transited, because they are still marked with the reflections of his edifying presence. Welcome to this tourist and historical itinerary through the confines of the empire. We walk in the footsteps of a universal nurse and one of the most wandering personnel of the golden age (AU)

Inquietas, comprometidas y renovadoras: reivindicando a las mujeres de la hospitalidad / Restless, committed and renovating: vindicating the women of hospitality

Todas aparecen representadas como inocentes monjitas de rostro afable y sumiso. Pero nada más lejos de la realidad. En este webinar conoceremos a unas mujeres inconformistas e inquietantes que se rebelaron contra la desigualdad imperante en su época. Y lo hicieron con resolución e inteligencia, superando los estereotipos que relegaban a la mujer a una condición subalterna e invisible. O más bien aprovechándose de ellos para instaurar sólidas empresas en defensa de las poblaciones más vulnerables, en un contexto donde la pobreza, la enfermedad y la marginación iban de la mano. Mujeres andariegas en cuatro siglos y en diferentes países y continentes que nos miran desafiantes desde la tribuna de la historia, esperando recibir el reconocimiento que la estrecha mirada de su tiempo les negó (AU)

They are all represented as innocent little nuns with affable and submissive faces. Nothing could be further from the truth. In this webinar we will meet some unconventional and disturbing women who rebelled against the prevailing inequality of their time. And they did it with resolution and intelligence, overcoming the stereotypes that relegated women to a subordinate and invisible condition. Or rather taking advantage of them to establish solid companies in defense of the most vulnerable populations, in a context where poverty, disease and marginalization went hand in hand. Walking women in four centuries and in different countries and continents who look at us defiantly from the tribune of history, hoping to receive the recognition that the narrow gaze of their time denied them (AU)

María Lorenza Longo, libertadora de mujeres explotadas y madre de incurables en Nápoles / Maria Lorenza Longo, liberator of exploited women and mother of incurables in Naples

La singular trayectoria vital de Lorenza Longo ha comenzado a ser estudiada y puesta en valor por la historiografía especializada a raíz de la reciente beatificación de una mujer catalana de nacimiento, paralítica en su juventud, pero aun así una mujer con un empuje vital y una voluntad de servicio que la llevó a involucrarse en la asistencia sanitaria a los más necesitados de la ciudad de Nápoles, azotados por las epidemias y donde supo aglutinar a los círculos de la nobleza local para la creación del famoso hospital de los Incurables, obra social y asistencial con absoluta vigencia en la actualidad después de quinientos años de ininterrumpido servicio a la comunidad (AU)

Marta Carrillo y la conciencia femenina de la desigualdad / Marta Carrillo and the female awareness of inequality

Marta Carrillo, más conocida como Marta de Jesús, fue una mujer prieguense de hidalga cuna que tras enviudar dedica el resto de su vida a la creación de hospitales y otras actividades dirigidas a los sectores socialmente menos favorecidos (pobres, mujeres y niños). En el siglo XVII, durante casi medio siglo, anduvo con su hábito de terciaria diversos lugares de Andalucía como benefactora hasta fallecer en el Hospital del Pozo Santo, por ella erigido en Sevilla para atender a mujeres impedidas. Se trata de un caso más de mujeres relevantes silenciadas por la historia. Siguiendo la estela de la hospitalidad, Marta de Jesús utilizó el marco jurídico de la Iglesia para hacer posible diversas iniciativas que contribuyeron a suplir las carencias institucionales de una sociedad que hacía depender el socorro de los pobres de la buena voluntad de benefactores privados (AU)

[Environmental Care in Hospitals: Hygiene and Feminine Atmospheric Work]. / Umweltfürsorge im Krankenhaus: Hygienische Sauberkeit und die feminisierte Arbeit an der Atmosphäre.

Cleaning the floor, stripping the bed, arranging a bouquet of flowers-such tasks are essential to keeping a hospital room clean and creating a pleasant atmosphere. They usually fall under the purview of female* nurses, cleaning staff and housekeepers. In everyday hospital life, the demands for hygienic cleanliness commingle with the imperatives of economization, marketing logic, and attention to the affective and emotional needs of the actors in these rooms. Although the standards of clinical hygiene are based on medical knowledge, the division of labor and the demands for cleanliness at various hierarchical levels also reveal gendered and partly racialized ideas that point beyond the clinical context. This blending of imperatives in the hospital environment invites deeper consideration of the history of bacteriology: The logic and language of defense against infection in science and everyday life is also interwoven with social markers of difference.Drawing on the findings of an ethnography on cleanliness and cleaning work in hospitals, as well as a history of knowledge approach, the article links the question of (feminized) care for the environment with the question of the atmosphere of clinical rooms. In what ways, and to what effect, does scientific knowledge about medical hygiene also carry with it cultural and aesthetic perceptions of beautiful and pleasant cleanliness that reveal feminine connotations rooted in the nineteenth century?

[The potato in hospital nutrition as an approach to its introduction in the urban diet: the case of Vitoria (Alava, Spain)]. / La patata en la nutrición hospitalaria como aproximación a su introducción en la dieta urbana: el caso de Vitoria (Álava, España).

INTRODUCTION: Introduction: given the lack of historical documentary sources about the beginning of potato effective consumption in Vitoria (Alava, Spain), its introduction in the urban diet is estimated from cultivation and production data. This only allows asserting the introduction of the cultivation at the end of the 18th century, the recognition of two quantitative jumps during the Independence and First Carlist Wars, and that it was the second cultivation in quantity by 1857. Objective/method: from the hypothesis of a good correspondence between hospital diet and ordinary urban diet, evidenced in other studies for Vitoria, it is proposed to document the chronology of potato introduction in the urban diet from its analysis in the city hospital, as well as to contextualize concurrent historical events, through the review and analysis of primary and secondary documentary sources. Results: the hospital keeps a record of food acquisitions since 1743. The first purchase of potatoes was paid on September 17, 1834. Acquisitions continue in very variable quantities and dates, which are normalized from 1844. Contextually, there is a major subsistence crisis with cholera as the most immediate and necessary cause in synergy with the first carlist war and the devastation of crops in a summer storm. In 1854 the potato was established in the urban diet. Conclusions: the first acquisition of potatoes was made in September 1834 in the immediate context of cholera together with the carlist war and catastrophic weather effects.

INTRODUCCIÓN: Introducción: dada la carencia de fuentes documentales históricas sobre el inicio del consumo efectivo de patata en Vitoria (Álava, España), su introducción en la dieta urbana se estima a partir de los datos de cultivo y producción. Ello solo permite aseverar la introducción del cultivo a finales del siglo XVIII, el reconocimiento de dos saltos cuantitativos durante las guerras de independencia y primera carlista, y que era el segundo cultivo en cantidad en 1857. Objetivo/método: desde la hipótesis de una buena correspondencia entre la dieta hospitalaria y la dieta ordinaria urbana, evidenciada en otros estudios para Vitoria, se propone documentar la cronología de la introducción de la patata en la dieta urbana a partir de su análisis en el hospital de la ciudad, así como contextualizar los acontecimientos históricos concurrentes mediante la revisión y el análisis de fuentes documentales primarias y secundarias. Resultados: el hospital conserva el registro de alimentos adquiridos desde 1743. La primera compra de patatas se abona el 17 de septiembre de 1834. Se continúa con adquisiciones en cantidades y fechas muy variables que se normalizan a partir de 1844. Contextualmente, existe una crisis mayor de subsistencia con el cólera como causa más inmediata y necesaria en sinergia con la primera guerra carlista y la devastación de cultivos en una tormenta veraniega. En 1854 la patata está asentada en la dieta urbana. Conclusiones: la primera adquisición de patatas se realizó en septiembre de 1834 en el contexto inmediato del cólera junto a la guerra carlista y efectos catastróficos meteorológicos.